Vodú Cubano: Haitian Vodou in Eastern Cuba

Vodou is a religion that developed in Haiti through the blending of West and Central African spiritual traditions with elements of Roman Catholicism and the lived experiences of enslaved Africans during the colonial era. 

Rooted especially in the traditions of the Fon, Ewe, Kongo, and Yoruba peoples, Vodou centers around the service of spiritual beings known as the lwa (lua), who act as intermediaries between humanity and Bondye, the Supreme Creator. 

Through ceremony, song, drumming, dance, prayer, offerings, and spirit possession, practitioners maintain relationships with the lwa and seek healing, guidance, protection, and balance in life. Though often misunderstood by outsiders, Vodou serves not only as a religion, but also as a source of cultural identity, resistance, community cohesion, and ancestral memory among the Haitian people. 

As Haiti developed politically and socially after the Haitian Revolution, Vodou continued to evolve alongside the Haitian people both within Haiti and beyond its borders. Haitian migration carried the religion into neighboring regions and diaspora communities, where it adapted to new cultural environments while retaining its essential spiritual foundations. 

In places such as the Dominican Republic, Haitian religious traditions contributed to the development of the 21 Divisions, while in Louisiana aspects of Haitian Vodou influenced local Afro-Creole religious culture. Across the Caribbean, Haitian communities preserved their religious traditions while also interacting with local customs, languages, and spiritual systems. Among the most important of these developments was the growth of Vodu Cubano in eastern Cuba. 

The eastern region of Cuba, known as Oriente, has long shared close historical ties with Haiti due to geographic proximity and the movement of people between the two islands during the colonial period. Even before the Haitian Revolution, there were exchanges of laborers, merchants, refugees, and agricultural workers between Saint-Domingue and Cuba. 

However, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, especially from the 1900s through the 1930s, a much larger wave of Haitian migration entered eastern Cuba. Economic hardship in Haiti, overcrowding in urban areas, displacement from rural communities, political instability, and lack of employment pushed many Haitians to seek work abroad. At the same time, Cuban sugar plantations and agricultural industries recruited Haitian laborers as a cheap workforce for the expanding economy of Oriente. 

Despite their importance as laborers, Haitians in Cuba were frequently met with racism, suspicion, discrimination, and violence. Many Cubans viewed Haitians as foreigners, socially inferior, or culturally alien. Segregated communities often developed around Haitian migrant populations, especially in rural plantation zones and mountainous areas. Yet this isolation also contributed to the preservation of Haitian language, customs, music, and religious traditions. Many Haitianos in Cuba maintain a strong sense of pride in their ancestry and continued speaking Kreyòl alongside Spanish. Within these communities, religious ceremonies, songs, prayers, and family traditions became important ways of preserving identity and maintaining continuity with Haiti. 

In Cuba, Vodou developed its own distinctive form, often referred to today as Vodu Cubano. The Cuban anthropologist Lydia Cabrera noted that many Cubans view the Haitian religion in Oriente as a mysterious and powerful form of mountain magic associated with the rural eastern provinces. While sensationalized by outsiders, these traditions represent living religious systems maintained within Haitian communities across Cuba. 

Structurally, Vodu Cubano in some ways resembles the Dominican tradition of 21 Divisions more closely than the highly formalized Asogwe lineages associated with modern urban Haitian Vodou. This is partly because both 21 Divisions and Vodu Cubano developed from older traditions originating in northern Haiti and preserve forms of practice that predate the widespread influence of the Asogwe priestly system that was created and developed during the twentieth century. 

As a result, Vodu Cubano generally does not emphasize elaborate initiatory structures such as kanzo initiation, nor does it commonly employ the ritual use of the asson associated with Asogwe priesthoods. Likewise, the highly formalized liturgies and extensive ceremonial protocols characteristic of some urban Haitian temples are less prominent. 

Instead, Vodu Cubano is aligned with what is sometimes described as the tcha tcha lineage, emphasizing family, locality, and community-based religious life. Rather than being centered primarily around large urban temples, religious authority is frequently rooted within the extended family or immediate community. 

Those who serve as priests, the Hungán and Mambo, or the Papa Lua and Mama Lua, are often respected elders within their families or local communities. Others are recognized because they possess spiritual gifts and are believed to have been called by the Lua to serve those around them. 

Rather than functioning as the heads of large temple organizations, these priests serve as community ritual specialists. They are often herbalists, diviners, healers, and counselors who act as mediators between the human and spiritual worlds, offering guidance, performing ceremonies, and caring for the spiritual needs of their communities. 

In terms of ritual emphasis, Vodu Cubano leans more heavily toward the Petwo rites than the Rada rites, reflecting both the northern Haitian origins of many practitioners and the influence of Kongo-derived religious traditions in eastern Cuba. 

Unlike the more elaborate initiatory systems found in the Asogwe tradition, the primary initiation is baptism, or bautiso. Ritual life centers on prayer, song, offerings, healing work, spirit possession, and communal ceremonies, with ceremonial language combining Haitian Kreyol and Cuban Spanish, reflecting the bilingual character of Haitian communities in Oriente. 

Another notable feature is the lesser emphasis placed on Loko as the source of priesthood and initiation. Instead, many practitioners place greater devotional importance on Gran Buá as a guardian of spiritual power, sacred mysteries, and the wilderness, reflecting the deeply rural and mountain-centered character of Vodu Cubano. 

Another distinctive feature of Vodu Cubano is its close relationship with Cuban Espiritismo. Although they remain separate religious traditions, they are commonly practiced side by side by many devotees. Veneration of the ancestors and communication with the dead are often carried out through misas espirituales and consultations with Espiritistas before a Vodu ceremony is held. This differs from Haiti, where devotion to the dead is more often expressed through Catholic observances and, in some Vodou lineages, through ceremonies dedicated to the ancestors within the Vodou tradition itself. 

In recent decades, knowledge of Vodu Cubano has spread beyond Oriente into other parts of Cuba, including Havana, where some individuals have sought to learn about Haitian religious traditions and receive initiation. At the same time, many Cubans of Haitian descent have become increasingly interested in reconnecting with their ancestral roots through travel, study, and religious exchange with Haiti itself. 

Outside of Cuba, small communities of practitioners can also be found internationally, including within the United States, though Vodu Cubano remains less widely known than other Afro-Cuban religious traditions. 

Despite periods of hardship, discrimination, and cultural marginalization, Vodu Cubano continues to survive through the devotion of families, elders, and religious communities who preserve these traditions across generations. In homes, ceremonies, songs, prayers, and stories, the wisdom of the ancestors continues to be passed down. The elders of this tradition remain guardians of a living spiritual heritage, ensuring that the language, ceremonies, and service to the Lua endure for future generations with dignity, pride, and spiritual strength.

Sweet Land of Liberty: What is the Fourth of July to the Spiritualist?

 A few summers ago, I attended a Fourth of July service at a Spiritualist church where the closing hymn was My Country 'Tis of Thee. While many older members sang with enthusiasm, several younger attendees seemed uncomfortable singing a patriotic song in a church service.

After talking with a number of people, I realized that most had never been taught why patriotic hymns, American flags, and Fourth of July services became part of American Spiritualism.

The answer lies in the history of the movement.

American Spiritualism emerged during one of the most turbulent periods in our nation's history. Early Spiritualists were deeply involved in movements for abolition, women's rights, prison reform, labor rights, Native American rights, peace, education, and countless other social causes. They looked to the Spirit World not only for personal guidance, but for inspiration on how society itself could progress.

Much of this vision was shaped by Andrew Jackson Davis and his Harmonial Philosophy, which taught that the universe is governed by divine laws of harmony, justice, liberty, and love. Spiritualists believed these were not merely moral ideals, but universal principles reflected in the higher spheres of spirit life. Their goal was to help build a society on earth that more closely resembled the harmony of the Spirit World.

This understanding helps explain the patriotic services found in the 1911 Spiritualist Manual published by the National Spiritualist Association.

The opening invocation does not celebrate military conquest or national superiority. Instead, it prays for freedom while looking forward to the day:

"When the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle flags are furl'd,
In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World."

Significantly, the prayer does not suggest that this vision has already been achieved. Immediately afterward, it asks God to "Make us and our descendants fitting and willing instruments to prepare the way for the coming of that day." The greatness envisioned by the early Spiritualists was not something already possessed, nor merely something to be nostalgically recovered. It was an ideal still unfolding, one that required every generation to actively labor for liberty, justice, peace, and the common good.

The prayer continues by asking that the people be given "the wisdom and foresight to preserve every principle of government which tends to make their homes happy and to keep their souls unfettered," to remove "whatever becomes a hindrance to their progress or subversive of their liberty," to be shielded from "the evil machinations of ambitious men," and to educate future generations. In other words, the Spiritualists understood that ignorance, tyranny, and the pursuit of power could derail the nation's moral progress. A just and harmonious society would not arise by accident. It required continual dedication to truth, wisdom, love of neighbor, and the principles of divine law.

Likewise, the Apostrophe to the Flag does not proclaim America to be perfect. Instead, it prays that the nation's triumphs become "truth over error, peace over strife, and love over hate." The closing benediction echoes the same theme, asking the higher spirits to inspire humanity to cultivate harmony and love so that we may become "good citizens of our country and bring blessings to our fellowmen."

These prayers remain just as relevant today, perhaps even more so.

The world in which the early Spiritualists lived was hardly an ideal one. They knew civil war. They knew slavery. They knew poverty, inequality, political corruption, and bitter social division. They had no illusion that the past was better than the present, nor that their own generation had fulfilled the promise of liberty and justice. The Harmonial Republic they envisioned had yet to be realized.

What sustained their hope was their conviction that the Spirit World had revealed a higher pattern for humanity. Through mediumship and the Harmonial Philosophy, they believed they had been shown a glimpse of a society founded upon liberty, justice, peace, and universal love. That vision was not merely a promise of heaven after death. It was a blueprint for what humanity could begin building here and now.

For the early Spiritualists, progress was never inevitable. It depended upon people choosing to become, in the words of the Spiritualist Manual, "fitting and willing instruments to prepare the way for the coming of that day." They believed that whenever men and women labored to uplift one another, defended the oppressed, educated the young, sought truth, and cultivated love, they did not labor alone. The higher spirits themselves would strengthen and inspire that work, helping humanity move one step closer to a more harmonious world.

That message is as urgent today as it was over a century ago. We continue to live in an age marked by division, injustice, violence, and fear. The teachings of Spiritualism do not call us to pretend our nation is without fault, nor to believe that greatness belongs solely to the past. Instead, they call us to recognize that the future is something we help create. Every act of kindness, every defense of human dignity, every effort to overcome prejudice, and every attempt to bring peace where there is conflict is part of building the world that Spirit has promised is possible.

Viewed in this light, the American flag within a Spiritualist church is not a declaration that the nation is without fault. It is a reminder that the work remains unfinished. It is not a monument to what America has been, but a banner of what America and humanity can become. It represents the continual effort to build a society that more faithfully reflects the divine laws of harmony, justice, liberty, and love.

The old patriotic hymns carry the same meaning. They are not sung because America has already become the "sweet land of liberty" envisioned by the reformers of the nineteenth century. They are sung as affirmations of hope, songs pointing toward a nation that is still being built, one generation at a time.

This is why these traditions endure in Spiritualist churches. They are not celebrations of perfection; they are commitments to progress. They remind us that patriotism is not blind loyalty to a nation, but faithful devotion to the principles that make a nation worth loving. To the early Spiritualists, the flag was never simply a national emblem. It was a sacred banner of humanity's ongoing march toward the Harmonial Republic, a world where truth triumphs over error, peace over strife, love over hate, and where the Spirit World and humanity work together in the great task of making this world a better place.

From Puerto Rico to Rochester, New York: International Spiritualism in 1948

A very niche interest of mine is the overlap between the traditions of Spiritualism, Spiritism, and Espiritismo. Part of that comes from my love of history, and part of it comes from the fact that my own spiritual path exists somewhere at the intersection of these traditions. Because of that, I always feel a sense of excitement whenever I discover people in the past who also moved within that shared space.

Historical studies of Spiritualism are often limited in scope. Many academic works focus on one narrow point of contact, Spiritualism and social reform, Spiritualism and gender, Spiritualism and politics, and so on. There are also historians who are more sympathetic to Spiritualism, and sometimes even practitioners themselves, but they often focus only on their own communities and rarely step back to look at the broader international story.

My own interests lie in the full spectrum of Spiritualist history. The more I look into different groups, in different countries, and across different decades, the more I see just how interconnected Spiritualists around the world have always been. They may not have been systematic historians, but they did not leave us with nothing. They left behind hundreds of newspapers, journals, pamphlets, letters, and reports spanning generations. The challenge is simply that very few people seem willing to sift through all that material.

I’ve been doing some of that sifting for a while now, and there are countless things I could write about. But I wanted to begin with something especially close to my heart.

Something I think few people realize is how connected Spiritualists have been across borders for well over a century. From the 1930s through the 1950s and continuing into the present, there are many examples of Spiritualists from different countries and traditions communicating with one another, supporting each other, learning from one another’s gifts, sharing knowledge, and celebrating their common ideals.

What particularly fascinates me are the many instances of correspondence, cooperation, and shared events between mostly English speaking American Spiritualists and communities of Espiritistas throughout Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Argentina, and beyond. These relationships often included international travel and formal representation.

One example came to me recently through a friend, and it is especially meaningful because it connects directly to my own interest in the history of Spiritualism in Rochester, New York.

In July of 1948, Spiritualists in Rochester, New York (which was demolished in 1969) hosted an international convention celebrating the World Centennial of Modern Spiritualism. More than three hundred Spiritualist leaders gathered in the city for services, lectures, meetings, and ceremonies connected to the centennial observances. Much of the activity centered around the Seneca Hotel in downtown Rochester, where lectures and Spiritualist church services were held before attendees traveled out to Hydesville, the birthplace of Modern Spiritualism, for commemorative events and dedication ceremonies.

Rev. John & Rev. Helen Gerling

Several important Spiritualist leaders were involved in organizing and hosting the celebration, especially Rev. Helen and John Gerling of the Psychic Science Temple in Rochester, part of the Universal Psychic Science denomination founded by the Gerlings themselves. Rev. Helen Gerling in particular seems to have been deeply motivated by international Spiritualist cooperation and by the idea of building connections between Spiritualists around the world. That spirit of international fellowship shaped much of the convention itself.

One of the international delegates attending these events was Víctor Cerezo Butler of Puerto Rico, who came to Rochester as an official representative of the C.E.P.A. (Confederación Espiritista Panamericana). Spanish language reports in Cosmos described him giving invocations, presenting on the mission and ideals of the CEPA, participating in healing mediumship demonstrations, and taking part in sessions focused on future Pan American cooperation. Meanwhile, the English language Psychic Observer introduced him to American readers as a Puerto Rican medium and representative of the Pan American Spiritualist Federation.

The brief biographical sketch published at the time makes him an even more fascinating figure. Butler was born in Aguadilla, Puerto Rico, on June 15, 1919. He was described as a lecturer and mental medium, and held a B.A. degree from the College of Education at the University of Puerto Rico. Because of his interest in psychic research, he became General Secretary of the First Spiritualist Congress of Puerto Rico and later served as Co-Delegate to the Pan American Spiritualist Congress in Buenos Aires. He had also attended a Spiritualist congress in Rio de Janeiro and became an active representative of the CEPA in Puerto Rico and throughout Central America. The article also notes that in Puerto Rico he was known by the nickname “The Prophetic Angel” because of his exceptional mediumistic abilities

During the Rochester convention, Butler participated directly in some of the most historically symbolic moments of the celebration. On July 4th, attendees traveled from the Seneca Hotel to Hydesville, where ceremonies were held at the Fox Memorial. Later, at Hydesville Spiritualist Camp, a barn from the original Hyde family farm had been converted into a four hundred seat auditorium for the dedication of the camp grounds. Spiritualists from around the United States and abroad attended the event. According to reports in Cosmos, Butler delivered the invocation during the dedication ceremony of the Hydesville Assembly. The same reports describe him participating in mediumistic sessions, doctrinal lectures, and discussions concerning future Pan American Spiritualist relations.

Today, Hydesville Spiritualist Camp itself no longer exists. However, the Hydesville Memorial still remains as Hydesville Memorial Park, preserving at least part of the landscape connected to the origins of Modern Spiritualism and to gatherings like the 1948 centennial celebration.

What moves me most about this moment is what it represents. Here, in Rochester, the symbolic birthplace of Modern Spiritualism, we find Spiritualists and Espiritistas meeting, honoring one another, and imagining a shared future. Figures like Helen Gerling and Víctor Cerezo Butler were not merely attending ceremonies; they were actively building relationships between Spiritualist communities across languages, cultures, and national borders.

It is a reminder that these traditions were never as isolated as people sometimes assume. They have long existed in conversation with one another, crossing borders in ways that deserve to be remembered.

Bread of Angels: Communion in Spiritualist Churches

A lesser known but historically rooted practice found within some Christian Spiritualist churches is the offering of a communion service. While most Spiritualist churches do not observe communion as a formal rite, some Christian Spiritualist communities have preserved and adapted it, drawing from both Protestant liturgical forms and Catholic devotional spirituality. Though not widely documented, this practice reveals a distinctive theological and experiential approach to the Eucharist. 

In the United States, Spiritualist churches often borrowed from the structures and practices of Protestant communities, reflecting the backgrounds of many early Spiritualist leaders, who came from a variety of Protestant sects. Over time, however, as Catholics also embraced Spiritualism, additional devotional and sacramental elements were incorporated. The result is a blended tradition shaped by both Protestant simplicity and Catholic mysticism. 

There are very few written sources that describe the exact form of this ritual. It is also likely that, as with many ritual practices in Spiritualism, the service varied widely depending on the church or community that offered it. One of the few examples published in a Spiritualist manual shows a strong influence from the tradition of the Episcopal Church, with language adapted from the Book of Common Prayer. 

However, in many Spiritualist churches, the practice of communion appears to have been influenced most deeply by devotional traditions found within Catholicism, particularly the practice of Spiritual Communion. In this devotional act, the faithful unite themselves inwardly with Christ through prayer and meditation, even in the absence of the physical sacrament itself. 

From these influences emerges a uniquely Spiritualist understanding of communion. As in many mainline Christian churches, participants partake of bread and wine as a sacrament during the service. However, the emphasis is placed less on the literal transformation of the elements and the idea of redemption through blood atonement, and more on the spiritual effects of the rite itself. 

Jesus of Nazareth, in the context of most forms of Christian Spiritualism, is often understood not primarily through a Trinitarian framework, but as a Spiritual Master, divine teacher, and guiding presence who leads the soul toward higher spiritual awareness, sometimes described as “Christ Consciousness.” 

In this context, communion becomes a ritual of spiritual progression, intended to bring the individual into deeper psychic and spiritual attunement with higher divine realities, drawing the soul closer to God and the ministry of angels while assisting in the unfolding of psychic and spiritual gifts. 

In my view, practices such as Spiritualist communion should not be understood as lost traditions, but rather as rituals that were never widely documented and often survived quietly within individual churches and communities. 

Like other Spiritualist rites, including baptism, these practices frequently developed through local custom and oral tradition rather than formal theology. As interest in older and more traditional Spiritualist practices continues to grow among modern Spiritualists, I believe there is a strong possibility that practices such as Spiritualist communion may once again find a more visible place within Spiritualist worship and devotional life.